"Armed proletarian justice" claimed responsibility for the bomb at the IAT headquarters

Organization “Armed proletarian justice” took responsibility for the bomb planted at the IAT headquarters and threatened that “there will be new and bloody attacks.”

The organization’s statement said that it was its “militants” who planted the bomb near the IAT headquarters. According to them, this action was dedicated to those who were killed and beaten by the police. They said the warning calls were made to prevent bystanders from becoming victims, as they were targeting police officers. They make a “promise” to carry out similar actions in the future, saying that the police were lucky this time, but next time they will not be so lucky.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AQgBTrO5f48

In fact, in their statement they foreshadow further blows, asserting: “The targets that we choose and will choose in the future – whether the system’s material infrastructure or its own workforce – will be clearly defined as such.”

Full text of the statement

“On 12/18, armed militants from our organization approached the MAT/ECAM (Attica Police Operations Directorate) Central Camp on Kokkinopoulou Street and planted a bomb under the sentry post. This time you were lucky, next time this will not happen. We dedicate our action to those who were killed, tortured, beaten and raped by the Greek police. Armed struggle requires responsibility and political conscience.

This is not the hobby of some extremists and not the fetish of some dreamers. This is a political choice. Our main task was, is and will be in the future to protect any person not connected with our energy. Two warning calls were made to ensure bystanders were safely removed, where police were given detailed instructions.

For us, and we emphasize this, it is extremely important that not a single innocent person is harmed. The targets we choose and will choose in the future – be it the physical infrastructure of the system or the personnel of the system itself – will be clearly defined as such. We don’t want to risk anyone’s safety. Even if it puts our own safety at increased risk. We have a huge responsibility associated with the actual use of such means of control.

Greece has a long historical tradition of guerrilla urban organizations. Their actions, in accordance with the historical context and conditions of the time, were always politically just, directed against the corrupt skins and infrastructure of the political-economic establishment. With our actions, the empty proclamations of the New Democracy, which at every opportunity declares the final destruction of the partisan cities, collapsed. We challenged the much-touted doctrine of law and order by bombing MAT/ECAM headquarters.

At the right moment, we will strike again, targeting the daring representatives of the rotten political and economic system, and their henchmen in uniform. That is, those guilty of the most heinous crimes committed in the name of the state. Next time, these bastards in uniform will be at gunpoint with our guns. And this is not a threat. This is not a warning. It’s a commitment.

We don’t like arrogant statements, but we want consistency to define political discourse. This police state relies on force of arms, and anyone who wants to fight it must be held to the same standards. We throw down the gauntlet and declare that we will speak the same language that the fascists in the Greek police understand. We took it on faith, the police weapons fire.

We’ve established that cop killers never go to jail. We have established that the bodies of outcasts are targets for fascist shooting. We have established that N.AD – it’s just fucking paper. Once all this is established, the dialogue is canceled and the weapon has the say. All this time you played ball in your own stadium with your own stands.

TV channels defiantly covered your game, politicians applauded you every time you pulled the trigger, judges bailed you out. These dark days have finally come to an end. We understand perfectly well that fascists in uniform generally condone or condone murder, abuse and torture. We know very well that in the semi-state center in Megaro Maximo they were made to understand that there would be no consequences.

We also understand perfectly well against whom they are directed: against proletarian youth, who experience social exclusion and class inequality firsthand, against political and class movements that challenge state policy. We ask out loud: What else are we waiting for? How much blood should dry on the streets? Does anyone really hope that justice will be served by turning the other cheek?

In our first statement we want to be as clear as possible. Armed militants who decide to join urban guerrillas are not aliens. These are the people living next door. These are your work colleagues, the proletarian on scaffolding risking his life for a living wage, the girl who lives in the slums for four months to serve drinks to tourists at the tourist center, your classmates at school, your neighbors on the picket line.

The urban partisan is positioned as a pole of opposition to bourgeois ideology and prevailing social norms. It is in this context that we have chosen to form armed proletarian justice in order to modestly place our stone in the great mosaic of history and move forward. We are learning valuable lessons from the historical experiences of previous armed organizations, both domestically and internationally.

The Mitsotakis government places the doctrine of law and order, and the famous culture of excellence, the political continuity of Semitic modernization, at the forefront of its policy making. These two directions are the carrot and the stick with which the New Democracy party of the bourgeoisie carries out the government’s policies.

At the political level, the doctrine of law and order and perfection is the mainstay of the government in its relationship with the working people. Punishment when he misbehaves, reward when he obeys, apotheosis when he serves the social norms cultivated by the New Democracy through the media. This is the triptych that makes up the production and implementation of government policy positions.

The famous executive state is nothing more than a center for the distribution of money among government courtiers, unsuccessful businessmen and ministerial leaders. The sale of state property does not stop. Privatization of energy, healthcare, universities, and the natural environment expands the profitability of Greek capital.

Labor is systematically devalued, and rights won through bloody struggles suddenly become criminal. At the same time, at the international level, Greece’s foreign policy completely coincides with the policy of Western imperialism. In the torrent of violence and terrorism of imperialism, we see coffins marching on live television, youth in dismembered or bullet-riddled corpses buried in the ground, we see hypocrisy taking its place in television windows.

The children who died in martyrdom-ridden Palestine are called terrorists, those who died from police gunfire in Greece are called dangerous bandits, the children who died in Tempi are called a necessary victim for the modernization of the network, the migrants who died on the Mediterranean coast are called barbarian invaders. Now everything is clear: your death is my death.

But we do not remain indifferent and recognize another form of violence that flourishes in the metropolises of imperialism. Violence when you don’t care about your neighbor and only care about yourself. Violence without blood, but violence that washes it away in silence.

The dream of advancement offered by so-called class mobility buys conscience. Disinformation, which is a weapon in the hands of the system so that it can brainwash, destroys moral standards to such an extent that a person refuses to react to the crimes of the system. All she needs is the promise of a car in installments, some money, a furnished apartment, a few days of carefree summer holidays and a night out. The system tries to convince us that our lives cannot exist outside of it.

Imperialism creates a dark future full of wars, poverty, suffering and misfortune. We say that it is never too late to take the first decisive step. Weapons are nothing more than an instrument of political action; they acquire meaning when they reflect political and social content.

The political core of proletarian guerrilla strategy takes as its starting point the balancing of the negative relationship between politics and class and aims to develop, by strength, an alternative political proposal with proletarian interests at its core. To complete this turbulent journey, history forces us to stop at many ports, and to do this we must answer the questions it poses every day.

The abolition of capitalist relations of production looms on the horizon. Destruction of political forms of bourgeois rule. Abandonment of the European Union and NATO. Revolutionary transformation of social relations.

In the end, the best answer to those who are in a hurry to end the history of struggle and revolution is the struggle of the oppressed who fight imperialism and exploitation. The struggle of the proletarians who oppose the barbaric policies of the system. From the heroic Palestinian resistance to massive anti-Zionist demonstrations across the planet.

The story is completely unpredictable. All it takes is a spark to start a fire. And then, if we are not ready, we will not be able to do anything. After all, every person, in addition to his natural growth, has another god. This is the shadow of responsibility in the face of injustice.

We will stand up for proletarian justice for all those who have died from police violence. We must fight for them. With weapons in our hands and a vision of a new world in our hearts.”

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