Greek authorities continued to insist that between ΕΥΠ (Greek National Intelligence Service) and Predator spyware “there is no connection,” but court filings and new facts are beginning to unravel this convenient fairy tale.
At the center of the story is a dubious expert opinion that strangely “untied” the state from private surveillance operators, and judges who, to the obvious irritation of the system, suddenly decided to really get to the bottom of the truth.
Expert, Predator and the Karaivaz case
The key character is an expert who, on behalf of the prosecutor, concluded that the connections between ΕΥΠ (Greek National Intelligence Service) and Predator no. Previously, he served in the digital evidence examination department of forensic laboratories. ΕΛ.ΑΣ. and analyzed the journalist’s mobile phone Giorgos Karaivazakilled in April 2021.
And here is the “coincidence of the century”: his immediate superior in the same service, Pinelopi Miniatiat the same time became the object of surveillance from outside ΕΥΠand through Predator. It was officially announced “coincidence”as if intelligence agencies and commercial spyware accidentally chose the same figure. The expert, understanding the context, knew perfectly well why they could listen to her, and whose interests it served. Nevertheless, it is he who signs the key conclusion that breaks the bond “state apparatus – Predator.”
According to information that became available to the press, they tried to put pressure on experts, pushing them to take into account parameters that were guaranteed to lead to the “necessary” numbers and conclusions. Moreover, they were prohibited from giving explanations to journalists about the content of the conclusion. Party Νέα Αριστερά (New Left) has already described what is happening as “a shocking picture of orchestrated interference in the judicial process and an attempt to erase traces of institutional collapse.”
The wiretapping scandal: the trial turned out to be fairer than expected
The case of telephone wiretapping is formally considered in the usual Μονομελές Πλημμελειοδικείο Αθηνών (One-member court for misdemeanors of Athens)as if we are talking about a domestic conflict, and not about systemic surveillance of politicians, journalists and officials. The charges are just misdemeanor charges against individuals. But in essence, this is one of the most serious criminal stories of recent years, directly related to the functioning of democratic institutions and the right of citizens to privacy of communications.
Despite attempts to push the matter “to the bottom and forget” the presiding judge and prosecutor demonstratively do not play the role of extras. They ask dozens of specific questions, show a thorough knowledge of the multi-volume matter, and make it clear in plain text: the story has much greater depth than those who expected to limit themselves to the formal would like. “excuse”.
The culmination was the court’s decision to call ten new witnesses, whom the prosecutor’s office and the investigation “for unknown reasons” did not consider necessary to invite. Thus, the court itself expands the circle of people involved in the case, and actually hints: the investigation at the top was carried out as if they were trying not to bring it to its logical conclusion.
Intellexa, Krikel and those whom they “forgot” to invite
The first group of new witnesses included people closely associated with Predator and its infrastructure. Among them – Einat Semamaa figure who played an organizing role in the creation of the structure Intellexa in Greece; her name appears in the testimony of the company’s accountant and the lawyer involved in legal support. Also called Merom Harpazlongtime collaborator of the creator of Predator Talya DilianaAnd Rotem Farkasspyware developer and one of the key people associated with the tech centers in Greece and North Macedonia.
Separately, employees and partners of Intellexa in Greece, who appear in the materials as participants in the evacuation of equipment from the data center in Maroussi in December 2021, immediately after international experts publicly indicated the presence of Predator in Greece. It looked more like cleaning up the tracks than a normal business process.
The second group of new witnesses is associated with the company Krikel and businessman Yiannis Lavranos. Among them are accountants, a technical director, and trustees through whom contracts and exports of “systems designed to extract data from mobile devices” to third countries passed. It is these structures that intersect with contracts for equipment for the security forces and with contacts at the government level.
A separate chapter – the story with the “creative contractor” Emilios Kosmidison which a prepaid card was issued and used to purchase infected Predator messages. While the official investigation “could not find him” for years, one trip to the residence address was enough for journalists to talk to the person in person. He admitted that the card was in his name, but claimed that he had never activated it and that no one from the authorities had contacted him before. However, the prosecutor of the Supreme Court Achilleas Zisis accepted the version about “a stranger with someone else’s PIN code” and sent complaints from wiretapping victims to the archives.
At the same time, a number of key figures are still not summoned: the former head ΕΥΠ Panagiotis Kondoleon, former secretary general of the prime minister Grigorios Dimitriadis – political bridge between the prime minister’s office and the intelligence service, former head Personal Data Protection Service (Personal Data Protection Service)which investigated the activities of Intellexa and imposed fines. All of them, oddly enough, remain outside the courtroom.
The court and the “forgetful” guards of ΕΥΠ
At the next meeting, the chairman of the court directly asked all parties to the process to help in finding new witnesses – even to the extent of providing addresses and patronymics. In particular, the conversation again turned to the same butcher for whom the Predator card was issued: it was not possible to get through to the phone number from the case, so you will have to send a summons to your place of residence.
The former head also testified Δίωξη Ηλεκτρονικού Εγκλήματος (Cybercrime Department)explaining the technical difficulties of tracking the source of bulk SMSattacks through foreign gateways and countries that do not cooperate with the Greek authorities. But even he, grinning slightly, admitted that the legend of “a randomly found card and a randomly guessed PIN code” looks extremely unlikely.
An even more revealing scene took place with a security officer. ΕΥΠ. At first she introduced herself as an ordinary person “at the entrance, who says “good morning” to everyone”insisted that she didn’t know anything special and didn’t understand why she was called in the first place. Only under pressure from questions did it become clear that she was the employee’s godfather ΕΥΠ Evangelia Georgakapulu, whom the media directly called a possible Predator operator within the intelligence service.
The chairman of the court and the prosecutor naturally asked how it happened that at first she modestly limited herself to the wording “I know her,” and remembered about nepotism only after a direct question. Answers in the style of “we don’t communicate much” and “I had no time for that” looked, to put it mildly, unconvincing. Thus, the court clearly showed: if you are willing to hide connections, you will be held accountable for every discrepancy.
What does all this say about the system?
If you add up the strange expert opinion, the systematic “forgetting” of important witnesses, the archiving of cases with absurd justifications and the openly defensive attitude towards figures associated with ΕΥΠPredator Intellexa And Krikelthe picture turns out to be quite complete. This is not a set of random mistakes, but a sustainable strategy for minimizing damage to the political and security core of power.
The irony is that exactly court of first instance – Μονομελές Πλημμελειοδικείο Αθηνών – today it looks like the only institution that is still trying to behave like a court, and not as a service for legalizing decisions made somewhere above. Judges are openly expanding the scope of their review, questioning those who have been carefully avoided by the investigation, and de facto leaving the door open to reopening archived cases when new data emerges.
The final verdict on the wiretapping case is important in itself, but even more important is what has already become visible now: the connection between the state and the private producer of spyware is alive, political responsibility for it is being thoroughly blurred, and democracy in a country that loves to quote ancient Attic orators lives in a regime of constant wiretapping. And the court, if it is not completely broken, remains the only place where this truth can still be spoken out loud.
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